EXPOSE: My Stint with Kejriwal: Wising up to ‘Democracy’ and ‘Social Activism’

My Stint with Kejriwal: Wising up to ‘Democracy’ and ‘Social Activism’

By Kapil Bajaj

Arvind Kejriwal wanted people to govern themselves not long before he decided to give them a ‘political alternative’. He put his trust in collective wisdom of Gram Sabhas, but now puts his photo in every advertisement published by his government.

Last month he announced, in a video message, the discovery of a ‘galat harkat’ (wrongdoing) that his ministerial colleague Sandeep Kumar was accused of having committed, and promised that “no one (engaging in misconduct) will be spared, including Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia.”

This article outlines my own experience of having worked with Kejriwal and may shed some light on his tergiversations.

It also recounts an incident in Kejriwal’s liaison with a young woman who now chairs a statutory body of his government.

This article is the first part of my memoir. More will follow later.

Medha Patkar, Arvind Kejriwal and “Shilpa” c. 2008

I worked full time with Arvind Kejriwal and his team from November 2008 to December 2009 in an exploration of ‘local self-government.’

I was in his team when we held discussions over many weeks with a number of knowledgeable people to draft a set of legislative proposals to empower Gram Sabhas and ‘Mohalla Sabhas’ to take all locally important decisions.

I took part in starting ‘Swaraj Abhiyan’ in Delhi ahead of Lok Sabha elections-2009 to canvass public support for allowing people’s assemblies to have full control over funds and functionaries in their areas, and in organizing the first ‘Mohalla Sabha’ meetings in the city’s two municipal wards: Sonia Vihar and Trilokpuri.

I also worked with Kejriwal team during this period on ‘National RTI Awards’ whose first edition was held in December 2009.

The same month I parted ways with Kejriwal team, having realized that my learning was over, and went back to working for media organizations.

I came in contact with Kejriwal team again in April 2011 during the Anna Hazare-led anti-corruption campaign which I actively supported.

This renewed link, with occasional meetings with them, lasted until August 2012 when the anti-corruption campaign was brought to an end.

Since then I have followed the fortunes of Kejriwal team and later Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) largely through the media.

Exploring ‘Democracy’

I learnt a lot from and with Kejriwal during a phase of his life when he himself was, in my opinion, quite a sincere, honest and hands-on learner and experimenter.

He sought to know how so called ‘democracy’ functioned in India and what must be done to improve it along the lines of its quintessential principle, namely people managing their own affairs.

(‘Democracy’ is derived from Greek words ‘demos’ meaning people and ‘kratos’ meaning rule – i.e. ‘a rule of the people’ or ‘people ruling themselves’.)

He shared with us his understanding that MPs, MLAs and municipal councilors/panchayat members had been reduced to being slaves to the ‘high commands’ of their political parties and had no freedom to carry out the will of their own constituents or be guided by their own conscience.

He believed that citizen assemblies – Gram Sabhas in rural areas and ‘Mohalla Sabhas’ in urban areas – should be allowed to convene in open meetings and take decisions on their local affairs with the role of elected representatives in municipalities and panchayats being reduced to carrying out their will.

As Gram Sabhas and ‘Mohalla Sabhas’ begin to function the MLAs and MPs will also be under moral pressure to become subservient to the collective will of the people as expressed in those assemblies whose decisions will begin to influence, over a period of time, even the district, state and central level policy making.

Our motto during the heyday of Swaraj Abhiyan was: ‘We the people are the government in our village, not the governments in Mumbai and Delhi.’

It was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s idea of ‘village republic’ as expressed in his book Hind Swaraj.

Kejriwal was also impressed by the concept of the citizens’ right to recall their elected representatives, propose legislation, and have a referendum on a public issue or policy.

Simply put, he advocated what Western knowledge calls ‘direct democracy’ (a system usually contrasted with ‘representative democracy,’ which prevails in India and other ‘democratic’ countries in some form or other and essentially means ‘people ruling through their elected representatives’).

I respect him for the sincerity that he displayed in what he was trying ostensibly to achieve during that phase of his life, and for his openness to allow others, myself included, to take part in and benefit from the learning and experience that his enterprise engendered.

Kejriwal’s ideas about democracy drew from thinking already present in society and his actions were clearly a collective effort, not his alone.

He was a mere human, like everyone else, with strengths and weaknesses, and ever reliant on his network of people.

That needs to be said to counter the self-glorification he has undertaken in his later avatar as a politician and Delhi’s chief minister, which is based, in my opinion, on expediency, hypocrisy, duplicity, or falsehood.

A Journalistic Start

I first met Kejriwal in December 2007 as a journalist for an article about his work that I was working on for Business Today magazine.

I travelled with him – and two of his young colleagues – for 4-5 days in Madhya Pradesh while he acted as a member of a jury invited by Narmada Bachao Andolan’s Medha Patkar for a Jan Sunwai (public hearing) of cases of corruption in implementation of resettlement package for people displaced by the Sardar Sarovar project.

Another member of the jury was Anna Hazare who would team up with Kejriwal in 2011 in waging the anti-corruption campaign.

Anna Hazare, “Shilpa” and Arvind Kejriwal at Jan Sunwai of NBA

This contact with Kejriwal turned out to be an insightful encounter with issues pertaining to society and governance; it was long and strenuous enough to allow me not only to see issues from Kejriwal’s perspective, but also share with him and his colleagues my own learning.

Much later, after I joined his team, I was to learn that he bought sets of NCERT textbooks to look into, having been moved by my view that school education being provided to children, particularly in the areas we visited in December 2008, had hardly any relevance for them.

Madhya Pradesh tour was the first time I plugged into his evolving understanding that solutions to corruption and all other problems of governance lay in giving Gram Sabha – i.e. a local community of people as defined in the Constitution and the Panchayati Raj laws – the power to decide matters that concern its members in open meetings.

This principle of ‘democracy’ was repeatedly and succinctly articulated by Anna Hazare in all public meetings organized during the Jan Sunwai.

It’s the Gram Sabha (which by extension means people anywhere as forming local communities) that sends its representatives to the Lok Sabha, Hazare would tell his audience.

“Thus it’s the Gram Sabha that’s sovereign and is above the Lok Sabha.”
I found this basic principle fascinating, especially in the light of Kejriwal’s view that the system of representation has become hostage to entrenched power, leaving people voiceless.

The fascination with the ultimate sovereignty of Gram Sabha, which Kejriwal helped kindle in me, would lead me later to leave my job with Business Today and join his team.

That decision was also motivated by my curiosity about the world of ‘NGOs’ and ‘social activists’ and the desire to have a first-hand experience of it.

My association with Kejriwal did help me take an ‘insider’s view’ of the world of ‘social activists’ and the causes they espoused, and connect the dots to have a fuller understanding of the ‘system’.

In Kejriwal Team

I met Kejriwal in late October 2008 to ascertain if I could have a useful role to play in his work.

He welcomed me into his team – which included Manish Sisodia, who ran NGO Kabir and would later become Delhi’s deputy chief minister, lawyer Divyajyoti Jaipuriar, a young woman called Santosh (since deceased) from Sunder Nagri in east Delhi where Kejriwal is supposed to have started his activism, and quite a few other members.

Kejriwal then seemed well into an exploration of the panchayats across states and was about to start on a project on ‘local self-government’ to be funded by India Friends Association (IFA), a network of US-based professionals of Indian origin supporting ‘community activism’ in India.

He and one of his young colleagues Shilpa (name changed) were already receiving some funding as fellows of Association for India’s Development (AID), another US-based charity run by Indian Americans.

The two had been doing some work that seemed to include collecting information on Gram Sabhas and panchayats through RTI from a district in Madhya Pradesh and studying devolution of funds to states and local governments and how their jurisdiction was being encroached upon by centrally-sponsored schemes.

Shilpa was already known to me: she and Abid Khan were the two young aides of Kejriwal who had accompanied him to the aforementioned Madhya Pradesh tour.

In her early 20s, she worked and travelled with Kejriwal and represented him in meetings that he could not attend.

I learnt upon joining Kejriwal’s team that she was a computer engineering graduate who had chosen to work with him not long after her graduation.

I found Shilpa to be somewhat collegiate in her ways. She had an informal relationship with Kejriwal, about 16 years older than her, often referring to him playfully by nickname ‘Aloo’ (potato).

Shilpa would continue to be Kejriwal’s confidant through subsequent years up to the present time and be appointed to important positions.

She was a member of the committee that coordinated the Hazare-led anti-corruption campaign. After becoming Delhi’s Chief Minister in February 2015, Kejriwal would make Shilpa one of his advisors. She was later appointed the chair of a statutory body of his government.

Kerala Tour

The day I joined Kejriwal’s team, on 05 November 2008, I was travelling by train with Shilpa and Somu Kumar, an AID volunteer, to Kerala to study the Panchayati Raj system in the state, particularly the functioning of the Gram Sabhas.

This tour had been in making before I joined his team, as part of Kejriwal’s effort to visit states that he heard had better functioning local self-governments. It seemed to have been a loosely scheduled tour with return journey not being fixed.

The three of us were to stay – with help from a local NGO called Maithri – in villages in Palakkad district to study Gram Sabhas, panchayats, and people’s planning programme initiated in 1996 by the then LDF government in Kerala under which it earmarked 33 per cent of its plan budget to the local governments.

Kejriwal was to join us in Kerala in the middle of November, having been invited to Kochi by some worthy to be felicitated for his contribution to the right to information (RTI) movement and to deliver a lecture.

We were to attend this function in Kochi and then accompany Kejriwal to more appointments in a fix-as-we-go programme, including a visit to capital city Thiruvananthapuram.

It was in Thiruvananthapuram city in a government guest house that I was to witness an incident, involving Kejriwal and Shilpa, that left me shaken and wanting midway to leave for home.

‘People’s Planning’

In Palakkad, on 07 November, Somu, Shilpa and I had a long interaction with Vinod Kumar of Maithri on Kerala’s experiment with people’s planning after which he arranged for us to visit a Gram Panchayat office in a village called Kannadi.

Since Somu spoke Tamil, a language widely understood in Palakkad, he acted as an interpreter for Shilpa and me throughout our stay in the district.

I recall visiting the lovely, well-equipped Kannadi Gram Panchayat office and meeting the panchayat president and secretary. We also met a well educated agricultural officer who worked under the panchayat, which we deemed quite an achievement for a local government.

We learnt that Kerala’s Gram Panchayats are richest in the country thanks to state government’s commitment to devolve large portions of its Plan funds to them.

After Kannadi, we moved to another village called Eruthenpathy where we were put up with a farmer’s family whom we found to be a heartwarmingly decent and generous host.

We stayed in Eruthenpathy for more than a week, furthering our understanding of ‘people’s planning’ through visits to Gram Panchayat office, Kudumbashree self-help groups of women, NREGA works, and a Dalit neighbourhood.

In between, we also attended a meeting of the District Planning Committee (DPC) where development plans drawn up by panchayats and municipalities get approved and consolidated.

Kerala’s ‘people’s planning’ appeared to me to be quite a labyrinthine process, but it was clear that Gram Sabha – the mainstay of Kejriwal’s vision and object of our quest – neither initiated the process nor finalized the plan.

Gram Sabhas had convened only once or twice since the start of the year in April, according to government schedule and not on their own initiative.

The attendance was usually 100-110 people, i.e. about six per cent of the average population of a ‘ward’ of about 1700. (Each Gram Panchayat was divided into 8-10 or more ‘wards’ and as many people’s assemblies or Gram Sabhas.)

We learnt that it had been difficult to gather even 100 people in a Gram Sabha meeting. Several people said they went to Gram Sabha meeting only if they hoped to get the benefit of some government scheme.

This experience, in hind sight, must have tempered our enthusiasm for ‘direct democracy.’
I was to discover later that citizen assemblies elsewhere in the world also usually reported attendance of no more than 3-6 per cent.

That, to my mind, blurred the distinction between ‘direct democracy’ and ‘representative democracy’.
For instance, four per cent of a 1000-strong ‘directly democratic’ body attending a meeting can be construed as 40 people ‘representing’ the whole body.

It was also intuitive to realize that in direct democratic set-up, 40 people in attendance would seem more amenable to a natural or feasibly managed discussion and decision making than 1000 people.

Where will 1000 people be accommodated? How long each will speak and in what order?

As the number of people attending exceeds a certain threshold, holding an assembly itself becomes an issue.

His Arrival

Shilpa, Somu and I travelled by bus from Palakkad to Kochi the day (in mid-November) Kejriwal was arriving in the port city for his felicitation and lecture.

I recall seeing one or two big hoardings welcoming Kejriwal to Kochi on roads leading to the hotel where the function was to be held.

The function was well attended. He was feted for his contribution to promoting transparency in governance and the audience listened respectfully to his address.

Kejriwal and we were then driven to a Gram Sabha meeting that was scheduled to take place that day in a panchayat in Ernakulam district. We interacted with people who came to the meeting with complaints like shortage of water and heard the ward member or panchayat president promising redress.

This meeting too had a low attendance and seemed like a company board addressing shareholders.

Our next stop was Thiruvananthapuram city where, I recall, we met District Collector Sanjay Kaul who, Kejriwal told us, was known to him and would help in our research.

The two had a chat after which Kaul told one of his officials to help us in our work. I remember this official, a bearded, sensible looking man, taking us to some panchayat areas in the outskirts, including a marketplace of small vendors with whom we had an interaction.

In Thiruvananthapuram we stayed in a government guest house that had old-style spacious rooms with double doors. Each of us – Kejriwal, Shilpa and I – was given a separate room; Somu by this time had left for his native Tamil Nadu.

Our Kerala tour had by then begun to look a bit of an aimless stretch, even going by Kejriwal’s mood.

I remember the bearded official visiting us at the guest house with an elected panchayat member, a tall young man in white shirt and dhoti.

The official was still introducing this young man when he caught Kejriwal, sitting on the double-bed in his room in his sleeping suit of kurta pyjama, yawning.

“Are you sleepy?” the official asked brusquely.

“No. Just thinking,” Kejriwal replied smilingly but unconvincingly.

A Black Hole

We had collected photocopies of hundreds of pages of files from Eruthenpathy Panchayat office – an exercise primarily led by Shilpa who supposedly knew what was ‘required’ to be picked up for the ‘research’ that she and Kejriwal had already been engaged in when I joined them.

We were supposed to get these documents, consisting of panchayat decisions and government orders, translated later from Malayalam into English for our ‘study’ of Kerala’s Panchayati Raj.

This exercise would shortly prove to be futile and a black hole in Kejriwal’s and Shilpa’s ongoing study of panchayats and Gram Sabhas.

I would later learn about thousands of such documents that Shilpa had earlier been collecting through RTI from Madhya Pradesh and elsewhere.

They were crammed in a few cupboards, gathering dust, at the office of Public Cause Research Foundation (PCRF), Kejriwal’s NGO.

I never saw Shilpa, Kejriwal or anybody else ever taking even a cursory look at those documents, which I learnt had been obtained at a cost of tens of thousands of rupees.

They quietly disappeared one day.

Eruthenpathy Panchayat documents would similarly be never seen or heard of after our Kerala visit.
Thus the ‘research’ that Shilpa seemed to be in charge of prior to my joining did not make much sense to me. And yet it was clear that she was doing everything with Kejriwal’s approval.

An ‘Informal’ Relationship

By the time we ensconced ourselves in the government guest house in Thiruvananthapuram, I had already witnessed a few hints of Shilpa’s ‘informal’ relationship with Kejriwal.

I remember Shilpa asking him for money and Kejriwal responding promptly to her request with currency notes of a large denomination.

Shilpa also seemed to me to act like Kejriwal’s ‘eyes’ during our stay in Palakkad where she remained in frequent telephonic contact with him.

(She had been trying – often to my irritation – to regulate our work in line with what she deemed the ‘focused’ way we were to proceed.)

I remember Kejriwal and Shilpa taking a long and confidential walk together in Thiruvananthapuram during which she appeared to brief him on things while he was all ears.

It became stranger on the night she appeared in her nightdress – a loose pyjama suit – as we gathered to go to an eatery near the government guest house for our meal.

As Shilpa walked animatedly in her pyjamas alongside Kejriwal, who was oddly silent, I felt baffled.

Despite days I had already spent with her and Somu, which did have moments of jest (including her ribbing of me on my telephonic chats with my pregnant wife), I found it rather outré that a young woman on an official tour in a far-away city would walk with her male colleagues on a public road in her nightdress.

“You will go to the restaurant in your sleeping clothes?” I couldn’t resist asking Shilpa, who was about 10 years my junior.

She made a sharp retort, something to the effect that that’s none of my business.

Behind Closed Door

In Thiruvananthapuram, we were supposed to get our Eruthenpathy Panchayat documents translated from Malayalam to English.

So Kejriwal, Shilpa and I hunted for a translator and found one. I remember the three of us visiting this man in his office and striking a deal.

The next morning, on 18 November, Kejriwal wanted me to visit the translator for some reason, which I did.

It did not take me long to be back at the government guest house. I went straight up to Kejriwal’s room to inform him of what transpired in my meeting with the translator.

The double door was bolted from inside. There was no sign of Shilpa.

Things suddenly seemed the strangest so far.

I stood by the door and gave it a knock.

There was an awkward silence inside the room. No one responded for long moments.

I waited and couldn’t help seeing very clearly a part of the bed through the ample opening between the two leaves of the door.

My heart then skipped a beat as I saw both Shilpa and Kejriwal emerging from right side of the part of the bed that was visible to me and very quietly climbing off it; Kejriwal then hurriedly shoved her from behind towards the cupboard to the left of where I stood.

Both were clothed; Kejriwal was in his sleeping suit of kurta pyjama.

My heart was pounding.

The view through the opening in the double door was so clear that I feared Kejriwal’s gaze might have met mine if he hadn’t been in a hurry to hide Shilpa in the built-in cupboard.

It was an extraordinary sight.

The Ramon Magsaysay award winning ‘social activist,’ whom I had witnessed being feted in Kochi the other day for promoting transparency, was engaged in some kind of secret bedroom farce with his own young colleague.

I felt as if I had willy-nilly threatened to violate the privacy of two people and reduced them to that ludicrous state.

Shilpa having been stowed safely away, Kejriwal opened the door for me and acted as if he had been resting.

I tried to overcome my own stunned state to brief him on my visit to the translator while he acted as normally and seriously as he could.

It was still a very awkward moment – I knew he was acting, he probably feared that I might have suspected something, and we both knew Shilpa was hiding in the cupboard.

Kejriwal then tried valiantly to inject some verisimilitude into that pretense by casually asking me:

‘Where is Shilpa?’

I mumbled my ‘ignorance’ and left the room.

Leaving Kerala

My heart quailed at what I had just witnessed and I suddenly felt very lonely.

Something sneaky was going on between Kejriwal and Shilpa, which seemed to have shaken the moral certainty of our work and called into question my decision to leave my media job to join his team.

I also wondered if the latter part of the Kerala tour had been planned to facilitate what I had seen going on between the two.

I called my wife and told her everything I had seen. I remember telling her that each one of us is after all part of a corrupt system.

I told her I felt like running away from that place as soon as I could and so wanted her to book for me a seat in a flight back to Delhi. My pretext for leaving was to be the condition of my pregnant wife, requiring me to be with her.

As I talked to my wife on phone, I could see Kejriwal and Shilpa taking a walk and conferring. I could tell they had sensed my aloofness and feared that I had seen something that was supposed to be a secret or had begun to suspect something was going on between them.

That afternoon as I told Kejriwal of my decision to leave for Delhi because of my wife’s condition, he seemed specially considerate and solicitous. For the next few hours, I was the focus of his attentions as if he wanted to draw me out of my shell and read my mind.

He took three of us to a good restaurant where they served you fine South Indian fare on plates spread with banana leaves.

Throughout that outing Kejriwal tried to open me up and make me feel important with artificial questions like: What are your views on politics?

I actually felt sorry for this man for being humbled by an incident of his own making which I couldn’t help witnessing.

I took leave of Kejriwal and Shilpa the next day, on 19 November, at the government guest house after being booked a seat in a Kochi to Delhi flight.

The two were to remain in Thiruvananthapuram for some more days ostensibly for all the translation and other ‘research’ work that we had earlier been fussing over and that now seemed to me to be fake.

I was much relieved as I boarded a bus to Kochi to catch the flight back home.

That was the end of my Kerala tour – the first two weeks of my stint with Kejriwal which gave me a reality check of two things that had attracted me into his team: the idea of ‘democracy’ and the world of ‘social activists’.
—-
(The writer is a Delhi-NCR-based journalist.)

Posted by kapil at 8:57 PM

Aap baby killers ?

You must decide

Is Arvind Kejriwal a sinner or saint?
Is Arvind Kejriwal a doctor or an engineer ?
Does the baby live or does baby die.

Free of copyright: this image is in public domains and declared free of copyright by its creator ‘NylesLyons’.

AVAM India Delhi Executive Committee

This is the list of some AVAM (AAP Volunteers Action Manch) volunteers contact points for Delhi Vidhan Sabha constituencies.

1. Anil Solanki —Najafgarh— 9136231220
2. Capt. Varun Shreevastav —Kirari —9999185558
3. Mrs. Saroj Gopal —Janakpuri —9136646634
4. Shiv Charan —Bawana —9650857158
5. Ajay Veer Singh —Shakurbasti —9711606891
6. Khalilulla khan —Karol bagh —7838963758
7. Nishant Kumar —Hari Nagar— 8882672226
8. Lalram Shastri —Palam —9136136956
9. Subhash Agarwal —Bali maran— 9958034883
10. Suman Lata —Timar pur— 8750377810
11. Jai Ram —Patpad ganj— 9953838845
12. Pradeep Jain —Gandhi Nagar– 9210485265
13. Deepak —Jangpura —9650209293
14. Rajpal —Gonda—- 9560918317
15. Pankaj Sein —Rohtas nagar —9999248073
16. Amik Ahamad —Silam Pur —9560537255
17. S.S.Bhashin —Shalimar —9313629175
18. Sunil Kumar —Adarsh Nagar— 9818483660
19. Virender —Deovali —9971079677
20. Suresh Kumar —Narela— 9278014791
21. Satish Kumar —Mundka —9582820724
22. Zulfikar Saifi —Babar pur— 9999933113
23. Sanjay —Koshik Okhla— 9718911937
24. Satender Singh —Model Town —9999033432
25. Bhuvan Sharma– Shakurbasti–8447667971

AAP founders swindle crores of donations

Team Anna swindles crores of donations

New Delhi: Ever since social activists Anna Hazare and Arvind Kejriwal parted ways, the clouds of controversy around the two have been darkening. Kejriwal is yet again in the middle of storm ever since the reports about him returning the donated money to Anna, emerged.

Serious questions are being raised regarding India Against Corruption  finances after an audit report published by the NGO showed some shocking discrepancies.

Kejriwal, who talked about transparency and accountability at all government levels, is himself facing allegations over misuse of funds from his own members.

Notably, Kejriwal, is under fire heat from those people, who were once part of the erstwhile Team Anna during the anti-corruption agitations. On facing the heat, Kejriwal-led Public Cause Research Foundation made the audit report till March 31, 2012, public on their site.

An audit of the donations received by Team Anna has been shared by The Public Cause Research Foundation (PCRF), which counts among its trustees Arvind Kejriwal, who was once Anna’s closest aide.

However, a thorough analysis of the audit report revealed several discrepancies.

For instance, the office pantry expenses for the period ending on September 30, 2011 were Rs 21,927. However, the pantry expenses in the next six months increased manifolds to Rs 89,070. The audit report also reveals that the communication expenses which were Rs 2,68,986 at the end of September 2011, doubled in a span of six months. The communication expenses for the period ending March 31, 2012 reached Rs 5,77,474.

The speed with which legal expenses increased, the audit report is bound to raise several questions on the credibility of the Magsaysay award winner. For instance, till September last year, the audit report showed the legal expenses to be Rs 14,936 but the expenditure on legal activities was calculated to be Rs 2,90,742 by March end this year.

This accounts to 20 times increase in the legal expenses by erstwhile Team Anna in the span of six months. This at a time when the erstwhile Team Anna had prominent lawyers and legal advisors like Shanti Bhushan and Prashant Bhushan.

Further comparison between the two audit reports of PCRF revealed that the printing and stationery cost that was as high as Rs 2,81,318 on September 30, 2011, reduced to Rs 1,53,965 till March end this year. Major difference in the stationery expenses either hint at some flaws in the audit report or discrepancy in the preparation of balance sheet.

Another serious discrepancy was noticed in the publication expenses. The publication expenses which were Rs 26,55,978 on September 30, declined by almost Rs 10 lakh. The publication expenses were found to be Rs. 16,69,656 as on March 31, 2012.

Similarly, the analysis of the two audit reports also showed that the office rent was hiked upto Rs 50,000 in merely six months. The office rent, which was Rs 1,39,850 on September 30 2011, increased to Rs 1,89,077 by March 31 this year.

According to the audit report, the agitation received highest donation of Rs 25 lakh from Sitaram Jindal on behalf of Jindal Steel. Notably, Congress MP Naveen Jindal, is the chairman and MD of Jindal Steel & Power. Kejriwal never hesitated to recieve donation from the company owned by the individual, whose Jindal Power is one of the beneficiaries of the coal allocations.

Reblogged by AVAM INDIA

IAC Mumbai | Mayank Gandhi sells members list

IAC condemns AAP sale of IAC members mobile numbers

IAC National Convenor Sarbajit Roy has condemned the desperate sale (allegedly by a senior Aam Aadmi Party member**, apparently to raise funds for his election campaign) of a confidential stolen database containing IAC member’s email IDs and mobile phone numbers.

IAC has called upon AAP to report the matter to the police under stringent provisions of the Information Technology Act. The database containing about 13.4 million records was last with an ex-IITian associate of some persons previously impersonating as India Against Corruption office bearers in Mumbai.

---

** widely suspected to be MayanK Gandhi.

Reblogged by AVAM INDIA

Tag : IAC Mumbai

Title: IAC Mumbai | Mayank Gandhi sells members list

Important Police email IDs for AVAM volunteers

Official India Police email IDs List

DELHI
bk.gupta@nic.in
delpol@vsnl.com
phq.delpol@gmail.com
jtcpt-dtp@nic.in
cp.bsbassi@nic.in
splcp-admin-dl@nic.in
splcp-int-dl@nic.in
splcp-security-dl@nic.in
splcp-vigilance-dl@nic.in
splcp-lo-7-dl@nic.in
splcp-crime-dl@nic.in
splcp-operation-dl@nic.in
splcp-traffic-dl@nic.in
splcp-pl-dl@nic.in
splcp-trg-dl@nic.in
jtcp-cr-dl@nic.in
jtcp-nr-dl@nic.in
jtcp-ser-dl@nic.in
jtcp-swr-dl@nic.in
jtcp-ndr-dl@nic.in
jtcp-training-dl@nic.in
jtcp-hq-dl@nic.in
jtcpt_dtp@nic.in
jtcp-crime-dl@nic.in
jtcp-splcell-dl@nic.in
jtcp-sec-dl@nic.in
jcpsec@rb.nic.in
dcp-eow-dl@nic.in
jtcp-vigilance-dl@nic.in
addlcp-sb-dl@nic.in
addlcp-crime-dl@nic.in
addlcpt-dtp@nic.in
addlcp-caw-dl@nic.in
addlcp-security-dl@nic.in
addlcp-lic-dl@nic.in
dcp-southwest-dl@nic.in
phqpro@gmail.com
phqdelhipolice@gmail.com
dcp-splcell-dl@nic.in
dcp-east-dl@nic.in
dcp-northeast-dl@nic.in
dcp-central-dl@nic.in
dcp-north-dl@nic.in
dcp-northwest-dl@nic.in
dcp-south-dl@nic.in
dcp-outer-dl@nic.in
dcp-newdelhi-dl@nic.in
dcp-west-dl@nic.in
dcp-pcr-dl@nic.in
dcp-southeast-dl@nic.in
dcp-vigilance-dl@nic.in
dcp-igiairport-dl@nic.in

MUMBAI
dgpms.mumbai@mahapolice.gov.in
cp.amravati@mahapolice.gov.in
digm.ats@mahapolice.gov.in

KOLKATA
cp@kolkatapolice.gov.in
dgpwestbengal@gmail.com

CHENNAI
cop@vsnl.net
phq@tn.nic.in

HYDERABAD
cybercell_hyd@hyd.appolice.gov.in
dgp@appolice.gov.in

BANGALORE
ajaiksingh74@yahoo.com
addlcptrafficbcp@gmail.com
dcptrafficeast@gmail.com

GOA
dgpgoa@goapolice.gov.in
goagp@rediffmail.com

PATNA
digpatna-bih@nic.in
dgp-bih@nic.in

CHANDIGARH
police-chd@nic.in

JAIPUR
rajpolice-rj@nic.in
dgp-rj@nic.in

AMBALA (Haryana)

dcpambrural-hry@nic.in
acpbarara-hry@nic.in
acpnrg-hry@nic.in
shongarh-hry@nic.in
shosaha-hry@nic.in
shomulana-hry@nic.in
shobarara-hry@nic.in
shoshahzadpur-hry@nic.in
shoraipurrani-hry@nic.in
dcpamb-hry@nic.in
acpamb-hry@nic.in
acpambcantt-hry@nic.in
shoambcity-hry@nic.in
shoambsdr-hry@nic.in
shobaldevnagar-hry@nic.in
shoambcantt-hry@nic.in
shoparao-hry@nic.in
shonaggal-hry@nic.in
shopanjokhera-hry@nic.in
shomaheshnagar-hry@nic.in
trafficshoamb@gmail.com

JHARKHAND POLICE
dgp@jhpolice.gov.in
nahmad@jharkhandpolice.gov.in
ig-ranchi@jhpolice.gov.in

KERALA POLICE
dgp@keralapolice.gov.in
dgp-mnp@nic.in

MANIPUR
webmaster@manipurpolice.org

MEGHALAYA
dgpmeghalaya@gmail.com
meghpol@hotmail.com

MIZORAM
info@police.mizoram.gov.in

NAGALAND
scrb-ngl@nic.in
scrbpnaga@yahoo.com

BHUBANESWAR
commissioneratepolice@nic.in

SIKKIM
dgp@sikkimpolice.nic.in

TRIPURA
contact@tripurapolice.gov.in
dgptripura@yahoo.co.in

UTTAR PRADESH
digcomplaint-up@nic.in
dgp@up.nic.in

UTTARAKHAND
dgc-police-ua@nic.in
jspndy@yahoo.co.in

PONDICHERRY
igp.pon@nic.in
dgp.pon@nic.in

LAKSHWADEEP
lak-sop@nic.in
lk-admin@nic.in

HIMACHAL PRADESH
dgp-hp@nic.in

PUNJAB
dgp.punjab.police@punjab.gov.in
dgp.staff.police@punjab.gov.in
so.dgp.police@punjab.gov.in
adgp.crime.police@punjab.gov.in
hr.police@punjab.gov.in
o.police@punjab.gov.in
adgp.rlys.police@punjab.gov.in
adgp.sec.police@punjab.gov.in
adgp.admn.police@punjab.gov.in
adgp.trg.police@punjab.gov.in
adgp.rules.police@punjab.gov.in
t.police@punjab.gov.in
adgp.pap.jal.police@punjab.gov.in
cp.police@punjab.gov.in
dboi.police@punjab.gov.in
tstaf.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.asr.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.ptl.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.jal.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.pap.jal.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.cmdo.ptl.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.irb.ptl.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.hq.police@punjab.gov.in
igp.hu.police@punjab.gov.in

ARUNACHAL PRADESH
arpolice@rediffmail.com

JAMMU & KASHMIR
itcphqjk@gmail.com

DADRA & NAGAR HAVELI
admr-daman-guj@nic.in
administrator-dnh@nic.in

ANDAMAN & NICOBAR
dgp@and.nic.in

ASSAM
dgp@assampolice.com
dgp@assampolice.gov.in

CHATTISGARH
digcid@cg.nic.in

MADHYA PRADESH
dgpmp@mppolice.gov.in

B.P.R.D.
dg@bprd.nic.in
adadm@bprd.nic.in
editoripj@yahoo.co.in
diwakarsaraswat@gmail.com
publicitybprd@yahoo.co.in

---

Place Address
Assam CID HQ,Dy.SP.
Assam Police
Ph: +91-361-252-618, +91-9435045242
E-mail: ssp_cod@assampolice.com

Bangalore Cyber Crime Police Station
C.O.D Headquarters, Carlton House, # 1, Palace Road,
Bangalore – 560 001
+91-80-2220 1026 +91-80-2294 3050
+91-80-2238 7611 (FAX)

Delhi CBI Cyber Crime Cell:
Superintendent of Police,
Cyber Crime Investigation Cell
Central Bureau of Investigation,
5th Floor, Block No.3, CGO Complex, Lodhi Road,
New Delhi – 3
E-Mail: cbiccic@bol.net.in

Delhi Police : EOW (Economic Offences Wing) Cyber Crime Cell
E-mail : eow.delhipolice@gmail.com

Pune Deputy Commissioner of Police(Crime)
Office of the Commissioner Office,
2, Sadhu Vaswani Road, Camp,Pune 411001
+91-20-26123346, +91-20-26127277, +91-20-2616 5396
+91-20-2612 8105 (Fax)
E-Mail: crimecomp.pune@nic.in, punepolice@vsnl.com

Jharkhand IG-CID,Organized Crime
Rajarani Building,Doranda Ranchi, 834002
Ph: +91-651-2400 737/ 738
E-mail: a.gupta@jharkhandpolice.gov.in

Haryana Cyber Crime and Technical Investigation Cell,
Joint Commisioner of Police
Old S.P.Office complex, Civil Lines, Gurgaon
E-mail: jtcp.ggn@hry.nic.in

Jammu SSP,Crime
CPO Complex,Panjtirthi, Jammu-180004
Ph: +91-191-257-8901
E-mail: sspcrmjmu-jk@nic.in

Meghalaya SCRB,Superintendent of Police
Meghalaya
Ph: +91 98630 64997
E-mail: scrb-meg@nic.in

Bihar Cyber Crime Investigation Unit
Dy.S.P.Kotwali Police Station, Patna
Ph: +91 94318 18398
E-mail: cciu-bih@nic.in

Chennai Assistant Commissioner of Police
Cyber Crime Cell, Central Crime Branch,
Commissioner office Campus
Vepery, Chennai- 600007
Contact Details: +91-40-2345 2348, 2345 2350
For Rest of Tamil Nadu, Cyber Crime Cell, CB, CID,
Chennai
ph: +91 44 2250 2512
E-mail id: cbcyber@tn.nic.in

Hyderabad Cyber Crime Police Station
Crime Investigation Department,
3rd Floor, D.G.P. office, Lakdikapool,
Hyderabad – 500004
+91-40-2324 0663, +91-40-2785 2274
+91-40-2785 2040, +91-40-2329 7474 (Fax)

Thane 3rd Floor, Police Commissioner Office
Near Court Naka, Thane West, Thane 400601.
+91-22-25424444, E-Mail: police@thanepolice.org

Gujarat DIG, CID, Crime and Railways
Fifth Floor, Police Bhavan
Sector 18, Gandhinagar 382 018
+91-79-2325 4384, +91-79-2325 0798
+91-79-2325 3917 (Fax)

Madhya Pradesh IGP, Cyber Cell, Police Radio Headquarters Campus, Bhadadhadaa Road, Bhopal (M.P.) Ph: 0755-2770248, 2779510

Mumbai Cyber Crime Investigation Cell
Office of Commissioner of Police office, Annex -3 Building,
1st floor, Near Crawford Market, Mumbai-01.
+91-22-22630829, +91-22-22641261
E-mail id: officer@cybercellmumbai.com

Himachal Pradesh CID Office ,
Dy.SP
Himachal Pradesh
+91-94180 39449
E-mail:soodbrijesh9@gmail.com

Kerala Hitech Cell
Police Head Quarters
Thiruvananthapuram
+91-471 272 1547, +91-471 272 2768
E-mail: hitechcell@keralapolice.gov.in

Orissa CID,Crime Branch
Orissa
+91 94374 50370
E-mail: splcidcb.orpol@nic.in

Punjab Cyber Crime Police Station
DSP Cyber Crime,
S.A.S Nagar,Patiala, Punjab
Ph: +91 172 2748 100

Uttar Pradesh Cyber Complaints Redressal Cell,
Nodal Officer Cyber cell Agra,
Agra Range 7,Kutchery Road,
Baluganj,Agra-232001
Uttar Pradesh
Ph:919410837559
e-mail: info@cybercellagra.com

Wikipedia India Education Program

Aam Aadmi Party kids enjoy Wikipedia at WIEP 2013

Did Aam Aadmi Party schoolkids also enjoy ‘wikiporn’ at WIEP 2013 ?^[1]

View of WIEP Pilot 2.0’s school children authors

Wikipedia India Education Program (“WIEP”) was an ambitious, but failed effort, by the Wikimedia Foundation in 2011 to induct over 1,000 inexpert college students from India as editors of their English language encyclopedia Wikipedia.^[2]

The project was revived on 26 January 2013, (this time using sub-teen school children to address the main conclusion of the first pilot that Wikipedia “was not catching them early enough“) but ran into fresh controversies emanating from content disputes on Wikipedia’s fabricated India Against Corruption article and a very public spat with IAC’s top brass over “off-wiki threats in real life”, “child pornography allegations” and “its unfortunate that Wikipedia does not enforce a strict no-anonymity policy, to prevent biased and paid articles by its editors.”.^[3][4]

On 20 October 2014 an IAC email to WMF asked “for discussing the issue of Indian school children editing at Wikipedia and being provided computers on which high-definition pornography from Wikimedia Commons was accessible as part of the program.“^[1]

Contents  [hide]  1 History 2 Controversies 2.1 2011 2.2 2012 2.3 2013 2.3.1 Relaunch of WIEP 2.4 2014 3 Footnotes 4 References

History

The WMF India Education Program was the expression of the Wikimedia Foundation’s stated strategic goals of outreach and expansion into the Global South in 2011. It was pushed through by the controversial new WMF Trustee from India Bishakha Datta to increase her power base in WMF^[5] over the bitter objections of the “community” and other Trustees.

The two main colleges arm twisted into supporting the WIEP were Symbiosis School of Economics and Pune College of Engineering with 250 and 500 students respectively compelled to join the program as part of fulfilling their academic requirements.^[6][7]

Bishakha Datta chose the Indian city of Pune for her pet initiative due to its notoriety as a stronghold for India’s communal right-wing Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh or RSS organisation.

Controversies

A young instructor explaining how Wikipedia is edited

2011

From reports in the Wikipedia e-magazine “Signpost” it emerges :

• The 2011 pilot project quickly ran into difficulty, however, when it emerged that a significant proportion of the articles submitted by students in the program failed to show an adequate knowledge of basic editing skills and did not respect Wikipedia’s copyright and plagiarism policies.

• Many students seemed manifestly unfamiliar with rudimentary wiki syntax and fundamental competencies such as sandbox creation and responding to talk page messages, and many appeared to lack the English language skills requisite for productive interaction.

• The resulting cleanup efforts, including a contributor copyright investigation (CCI), generated much dissatisfaction and questioning of the preparations and management on the Wikimedia Foundation’s end.

On September 10 2011, the leading Indian Newspaper “The Times of India” leaked that students were being pushed to violate copyright by Wikipedia’s scheme known as “Leaderboard” which ranked students on the basis of bytes uploaded to Wikipedia and encouraged extensive use of PRIMARY SOURCES.^[8]

IRC office hours with the IEP team were held on October 12 and October 21 2011. The copyright violations continued unabated however, and some editors went so far as to question why the community was tolerating such an initiative, even suggesting the program should be brought before the Arbitration Committee prior to any future activity.

On October 18 2011, in the light of the continuing onslaught of copyright violations, WP arbitrator emeritus Wizardman called for the project to be unilaterally shut down, citing it as a net negative for the encyclopaedia.

In the ensuing discussion, WP Kudpung, who had been leading the cleanup efforts, highlighted two unwelcome impacts upon the Wikimedia movement he called “blatantly obvious” but which seemed “to have been totally disregarded” – that students would not be attracted to edit Wikipedia by being put through a stress-inducing deadline-tied program led by highly inexperienced ambassadors, and that the community’s administrators and new page patrollers had been demoralised by having been forced to deal with cleanup of problems not of its making.

After a further week of problems, WP Calliopejen1 proposed a wholesale removal of all unsourced text contributed for the project.

On November 3, following a meeting with the Director at Pune’s College of Engineering, one of the participating institutions, the consultant Nikita Tandon announced the decision to call for an immediate end to the students’ editing of Wikipedia, and for a one-month moratorium on student contributions while the backlog of copyright investigations continued.

On November 7, following several complaints under India’s recently passed cyber crime law Information Technology (Intermediary Guideline) Rules 2011, the entire repository of contravening edits were eventually transferred from WMF servers to C-DAC India at URL CDAC GIST WIKI hosted on Pune University servers for use by law enforcement agencies.

2012

The transfer process of the contravening Mediawiki database was finally completed around 12 October 2012.

2013

Relaunch of WIEP

School children in Aam Aadmi Party uniform

On 26 January 2013, the WIEP was relaunched at Pune, by Bishakha Datta with the organisational help of the local volunteers of a Hindu communal group Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Aam Aadmi Party. Learning from the mistakes of Pilot 1, the WMF decided to focus on highly motivated school children aged between 11-12 years to write articles in the English Wikipedia. Children from the newly formed ‘Aam Aadmi Party’ were specially selected for training under this program. The instructors being from the RSS.

2014

WIEP v2.0 organiser Abhishek Suryawanshi with Anna Hazare

In August 2014 the entire CDAC GIST WIKI consisting of over 45,000 article’s abusively generated on the English language Wikipedia project was disabled on complaints filed by India Against Corruption for being infected by malware, for phishing and for defaming Indian deities such as Krishna, Shiva, Allah, Christ, Shirdi Sai Baba.^[9].

Footnotes

References

1. ↑ ^{1.0 1.1} Were Indian schoolkid Wikipedia editors provided computers to access high-definition pornography from Wikimedia Commons ?
2. ↑ A post-mortem on the Indian Education Program pilot
3. ↑ Please moderate the discussion on WP:AN
4. ↑ Copy of Notice from India Against Corruption for the EN:WP editor community (redacted by WMF)
5. ↑ Bishakha Datta (Trustee,Wikimedia) – About Wikipedia India Education Program
6. ↑ Symbiosis School of Economics
7. ↑ You can’t copy-paste this homework, Padmaparna Ghosh | September 10, 2011
8. ↑ http://www.timescrest.com/life/you-cant-copypaste-this-homework-6226 You can’t copy-paste this homework
9. ↑ Confirmation: 00081602->Report of abusive counterfeiting of domain CDAC.IN for phishing etc

A group shunned by AAP, endorsed by founder member

Express News Service | New Delhi | Posted: August 6, 2014 3:47 am

---

A group, formed by AAP volunteers who had been “shunned” by the party, was endorsed by AAP founder member Shanti Bhushan and former AAP leader Shazia Ilmi on Tuesday.

In a video released by the group ‘AAP Volunteer Action Manch’ (AVAM), Bhushan says, “AVAM is a good organisation which had come emerged within the party so that volunteers’ grievances and demands could be taken up. This is very important…”

In June, a group of AAP volunteers who were dissatisfied with the party’s functioning had come together to form AVAM in order to air their concerns. The group was also backed by Ilmi, who had resigned from AAP alleging “lack of internal democracy”.

On Tuesday, Ilmi said, “Even though I am no longer associated with the party, I am supporting AVAM and so is Shanti Bhushan. They support the cause of inner-party democracy and this is a good cause. I have know many of them for a long time and was involved in several volunteer endeavours…”

Meanwhile, the AAP downplayed the development. Maintaining the party’s stand, AAP spokesperson Deepak Bajpai said, “The AAP does not endorse any such group. We do not know what kind of conversation Shantiji had with the volunteers, but at no point in the video has he alleged anything against the party.”

Earlier, the AAP had issued a statement distancing itself from the group. “AVAM has been launched by people who claim this to be the official channel for soliciting volunteer feedback and grievances. AAP would like to categorically state that it DOES NOT endorse this channel/organisation. This can be an attempt by politically motivated mindsets to create confusion and to acquire AAP volunteer data,” the statement read.

However, AVAM members claimed that they were in talks with senior AAP leaders and hoped they would openly support AVAM’s cause.

– See more at: http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/a-group-shunned-by-aap-endorsed-by-founder-member/#sthash.QtwHNknv.dpuf

AAP volunteers forms AVAM, party patron extend support

PTI [ Updated 07 Aug 2014, 08:59:42 ]

---

New Delhi: As the Aam Aadmi Party attempts to regroup in Delhi after its Lok Sabha defeat, discontent within the organisation over the party functioning does not seem to stop raging.

A group of party volunteers had recently formed the AAP Volunteer Action Manch (AVAM), who claimed to be voicing opinion against several aspects including lack of “Swaraj” within the organisation.

But the party sources said Karan Singh, a senior party volunteer and who is spearheading the movement was recently sacked for “anti-party activities”.
Interestingly, Singh, a veteran party volunteer, was also tasked by party’s National Convener Arvind Kejriwal to coordinate with party volunteers after his release from Tihar in June.

“AVAM is an effort to bring together each and every volunteer who has actively and selflessly participated in this struggle for the change of system.

“It is intended to help establish a mechanism within AAP that takes forward this struggle in the right direction with renewed vigor.

And, the volunteers, like you, form the core of that mechanism,” AVAM website states.  The group isn’t happy with the way the party has taken criticism.

“It is unfortunate that the party has sacked Karan. We don’t understand why is the party thinking that we are going against them. We are doing nothing anti-party in nature and raising certain lacuna within the party, which has to be removed.

“It’s not that we are raising the issues now. They were already there and had to solved. But then after Delhi election, we formed the government and were busy and then came the Lok Sabha election.

We thought these issues had to be addressed irrespective of the Lok Sabha result,” party volunteer Saman Qurashi, party’s campaign in-charge of Ballimaran assembly seat and an active member of AVAM said.

“AVAM is very good. System and organisation which was made in the party so that the volunteer’s grievances could ventilated, its contact with the party workers remained intact and that is very important.

“AVAM is doing a good job and it should spread the good work in the country,” party patron and senior advocate Shanti Bhushan in a message posted on AVAM website.  “Every democratic party must receive criticism, feedback.

We have posted something related to this three weeks back which basically says that the party remains committed to receiving volunteers feedback.

“The party has launched Mission Vistar which is not merely about expanding the organisation, but creating channels for volunteers. In one respect AAP is different from other parties is that it is created by volunteers,” said senior party leader Yogendra Yadav.

Wikipedia child pornography scandal. India Education Program 2013

Author : Toby Dollmann “INTERVACY PROTECTION SERVICES”

Email: [media_monitor5]: Fwd: COMPLAINT for illegal content concerning minors, violation of child rights etc.

To: shahnawaz.hussain@bjp.org, vasant_sardesai@yahoo.co.in, bhagwatgoel2000@yahoo.co.in, naqvimukhtar@yahoo.com, psabhlok@hotmail.com, arunbjp7@rediffmail.com, officelka@gmail.com

From the desk of  Lt. Col (Retd) B. Ramani, editor Defence Review

Dear friends, please URGENTLY see this complaint of Aam Aadmi Party children being brainwashed with child pornography which is being reported by their own volunteers.

---

Date: Tue, Oct 21, 2014 at 12:37 PM

Subject: COMPLAINT for illegal content concerning minors, violation of child rights etc.

 To: legal-reports@wikimedia.org, legal@wikimedia.org

To:
Lila Tretikov, Designated Legal Agent
Wikimedia Foundation
c/o CT Corporation System
818 West Seventh Street
Los Angeles, California 90017

legal-reports@wikimedia.org legal@wikimedia.org
Phone: +1 (415) 839-6885
Facsimile number: +1 (415) 882-0495

21 October 2014

Dear Legal Agent,
 
COMPLAINT for illegal content concerning minors, violation of child rights including breach of privacy rights and cyber defamation, and concerning on-line pornography.

I am the Intellectual Property Agent and authorized representative of M/s Intervacy Protection Services, contacting you regarding the invasive usage of online content which violates the privacy rights of members of their principals M/s AAP Volunteers Action Manch, B-11 South Ex Plaza II, Masjid Moth, New  Delhi 110049, India, also widely known as “AVAM” having websites : “www.avam.in” etc.

It has come to AVAM’s attention that minors, being Aam Aadmi Party (“AAP”) junior / “sub-teen” volunteers, invited to attend a Republic Day celebration on 26 January 2013 at Pune, India as part of their school curriculum, were deceptively made to sit through a multi-media program known as “Wikipedia India Education Program (2013)” or suchlike and later induced by “Wikimedia Ambassadors” there to open anonymous user accounts on Wikimedia Foundation Inc’s (WMF) computer servers without their parent’s knowledge or consent.

There are reports in circulation in public domain, including on WMF computer servers, to suggest that these junior AAP volunteers, as also other minors present at the venue, were granted access to high definition grossly obscene pornographic images and media hosted on WMF computer servers in USA under the website URL : http://commons.wikimedia.org and accessible from the .IN domain name http://live.wikimedia.in in various Indic languages.

It has also come to AVAM’s attention that very high definition digital photograph’s / images clearly identifying alleged AAP minor volunteers have been uploaded to WIMF’s servers in the public domain and are being attributed to WMF and circulated with captions like  “Aam Aadmi Party kids enjoy Wikipedia at WIEP 2013”, “Did Aam Aadmi Party schoolkids also enjoy ‘wikiporn’ at WIEP 2013 ?” etc. These captions emanate from emails to WMF publicly accessible on WMF servers pertaining to this program asking WMF

“for discussing the issue of Indian school children editing at Wikipedia and being provided computers on which high-definition pornography from Wikimedia Commons was accessible as part of the program.“

 Accordingly, my principals, and on behalf of all AAP volunteers, require that all content capable of breaching privacy and morals of Indian children / minors situated on WMF computer servers be immediately deleted or disabled. Some of these content / images as presently identified by us are listed below.

https://outreach.wikimedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia_India_Education_Program
[NB: PDF of the article is attached for your information and record]

http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Naked_woman.jpg
[NB: Example of grossly obscene commercial pornography hosted on WMF servers freely made accessible to Indian minors by WMF]

http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_01.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_02.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_06.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_07.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_08.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_14.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_15.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_16.JPG
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Republic_Day_Event_2013_17.JPG

As a good faith belief is held that the above mentioned image use and content is not authorized or in accordance with law, we require that the infringing content be immediately removed.

Under penalty of perjury I state that the information provided in this notice is accurate, and that such notice may be submitted on behalf of AVAM.

This electronically signed notice is issued without prejudice solely as a courtesy to afford the Wikimedia Foundation Inc., being a hosting provider having servers in the USA and elsewhere, limited protection from claims based on the activity of its users should you chose to avail it.

A response within 5 business days from the date of this email is expected to confirm the above required removal has taken place. In the event that the content is not removed by then for any reason, my principal requests that WMF promptly discloses the complete particulars of (a) all the infringing user/s and (b) all the persons below age of 18 years shown in these images as available to you along with the records of all their past transactions using your organization’s servers.

Thank you for your time.

All rights reserved

Regards,

Toby Dollmann
Intellectual Property Agent
for “Intervacy Protection Services”
email : toby.dollmann@gmail.com

Wikipedia India Education Program – Outreach Wiki.pdf 155K